The Heroes and Villians Series - Civil War: The Election of 1860 and Secession Winter - Told by Presidents Lincoln and Davis

The Life of Abraham Lincoln: A Story of Perseverance

The log cabin sat deep in the rolling forests of Kentucky, its rough-hewn walls barely shielding its occupants from the chill of a winter’s night. Inside, by the dim glow of a fire, a young boy with tousled brown hair and piercing eyes traced the letters in an old, worn Bible. His name was Abraham Lincoln, and though the world had yet to take notice, his journey to greatness had already begun.

Humble Beginnings

Born on February 12, 1809, in Hardin County (now LaRue County), Kentucky, Abraham grew up in a frontier world of hardship. His father, Thomas Lincoln, was a hardworking farmer and carpenter, and his mother, Nancy Hanks Lincoln, was a gentle yet strong woman who taught him kindness and morality. But tragedy struck when Abraham was just nine years old—his mother fell ill with milk sickness and died, leaving the boy heartbroken.

His father soon remarried a kind woman named Sarah Bush Johnston, who encouraged young Abe’s love for learning. Though formal education was scarce—amounting to no more than a few months in a backwoods schoolhouse—Abraham devoured every book he could find. At night, by the flickering light of the fire, he read Aesop’s Fables, the Bible, and works by Shakespeare, shaping the mind that would one day lead a nation.

A Young Man with Big Dreams

As a teenager, Lincoln towered over his peers, standing at nearly six feet four inches. He became known for his strength, often splitting wood and working odd jobs to support his family. But his mind wandered beyond the farm—he was drawn to law, government, and the stories of great men.

At 22, he struck out on his own, settling in the small town of New Salem, Illinois. There, he worked as a store clerk, a postmaster, and even a riverboat pilot. The townspeople loved his wit and honesty, giving him the lifelong nickname "Honest Abe." But his thirst for knowledge pushed him further. He borrowed law books, studied relentlessly, and soon built a reputation as a sharp, fair-minded lawyer.

The Rising Politician

In 1834, Lincoln entered politics, winning a seat in the Illinois state legislature. His passion for justice and fairness became evident as he spoke against the spread of slavery, a divisive issue tearing the nation apart. By 1846, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, where he boldly challenged the war with Mexico and stood firmly against slavery’s expansion.

Yet, politics was not his only adventure. In 1842, he married Mary Todd, a woman as sharp-witted as she was ambitious. Their life was filled with love, sorrow, and ambition, as they raised four sons—though only one, Robert Lincoln, would survive into adulthood.

After an unsuccessful bid for the U.S. Senate in 1858, Lincoln faced off against the formidable Stephen A. Douglas in a series of debates that electrified the nation. He argued passionately that slavery must not spread, declaring, “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” Though he lost the election, his words carried weight, setting the stage for his greatest challenge yet.

The Road to the White House

By 1860, the country was at a breaking point. The North and South stood divided over slavery, and tensions burned hot. Recognizing Lincoln’s leadership, the Republican Party nominated him for president. With his simple yet powerful messages of unity and freedom, he won the election—but his victory sent shockwaves through the South.

As Lincoln prepared to take office, Southern states began seceding from the Union, declaring their independence. The dark clouds of war loomed.

The Civil War and a Nation Torn Apart

On April 12, 1861, the Civil War erupted when Confederate forces fired upon Fort Sumter. The nation, once united, now stood divided. As president, Lincoln bore the immense burden of leading through the bloodiest conflict in American history.

Through it all, he remained steadfast. He expanded the Union army, navigated political infighting, and gave speeches that inspired millions. Then, on January 1, 1863, he signed the Emancipation Proclamation, declaring enslaved people in Confederate states free. Though the war raged on, Lincoln’s words echoed a new hope: "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong."

By 1864, Lincoln had faced countless trials—devastating battles, personal losses, and deep criticism—but the people believed in him. He won re-election and vowed to heal the fractured nation.

Victory and Tragedy

On April 9, 1865, Confederate General Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court House. The war was over. The Union was preserved. Lincoln, weary yet hopeful, dreamed of rebuilding a peaceful nation.

But fate had other plans. On April 14, 1865, as he and Mary Todd Lincoln attended a play at Ford’s Theatre, a Southern sympathizer named John Wilkes Booth slipped into the president’s box and fired a single shot into the back of Lincoln’s head. The president was carried across the street, where doctors worked through the night, but by 7:22 a.m. on April 15, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was gone.

The news shattered the nation. The man who had saved the Union, freed the enslaved, and held the country together through its darkest days was no more. But his legacy—his words, his vision of freedom, his undying belief in democracy—would live on.

Rise of the Republican Party and the Fracturing of the Democrats – Told by Lincoln

The Republican Party, the very organization that would carry me to the presidency in 1860, was a relatively new force in American politics. It was born not out of convenience or partisanship but out of necessity—out of the growing realization that our nation could not continue down the path it had been treading for decades.

The party was officially founded in 1854, a direct response to the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, a bill that reopened the question of whether slavery would be permitted in new territories. The Act, championed by Senator Stephen A. Douglas, effectively nullified the long-standing Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had kept a balance between free and slave states by prohibiting slavery north of the 36°30′ line. Now, under popular sovereignty, settlers in the territories could vote on whether to permit slavery, leading to violent clashes and unrest, particularly in "Bleeding Kansas."

Outraged by the spread of slavery into areas previously closed to it, former Whigs, Free Soilers, and anti-slavery Democrats banded together to form the Republican Party. From the start, the party took a firm stance: slavery must not expand into the Western territories. This was not merely a question of morality, though many of us, myself included, saw slavery as a great moral wrong. It was also a question of labor and opportunity. The Western lands should be a haven for free laborers, not a place where plantation slavery could dominate and degrade the wages and aspirations of working men.

In the 1856 presidential election, our party put forward John C. Frémont, an explorer and military man, as our first nominee. Though he did not win, his strong showing in the North made it clear that the Republicans were not a passing faction but a rising political power. We had given voice to the growing anti-slavery sentiment in the North, and the years that followed would only strengthen our position.

The Decline of the Democratic Party and the Deepening Divide

While the Republican Party was uniting behind a common cause, the Democratic Party, long the dominant force in American politics, was unraveling under the weight of sectional discord. The Democrats had traditionally been a coalition of Southern slaveholders and Northern laborers, but as the slavery debate intensified, their alliance grew increasingly unstable.

At the heart of the divide was the question: Should slavery be allowed to expand into the Western territories? The Southern Democrats believed that slavery must be protected and expanded, while the Northern Democrats, led by Stephen A. Douglas, argued that local settlers should decide the matter through popular sovereignty.

This conflict had been brewing for years, but the breaking point came in 1860, when the Democrats gathered in Charleston, South Carolina, to select their presidential nominee. The convention quickly descended into chaos. Southern delegates, furious at Douglas’s refusal to support federal protection for slavery in all territories, walked out.

A second convention was called in Baltimore, but the wounds were too deep to heal. The party split in two, with Douglas leading the Northern Democrats and Vice President John C. Breckinridge leading the Southern Democrats. Douglas campaigned on popular sovereignty, while Breckinridge stood firmly for the absolute protection of slavery in the territories.

This division was disastrous for the Democratic Party. What had once been the nation’s most powerful and cohesive political force had now fractured, ensuring that neither faction could mount a unified front against the Republican challenge.

The Issue of States’ Rights and the Threat of Secession

Though slavery was the central issue of division, it was deeply intertwined with the question of states’ rights—a term invoked frequently by the South to justify its defense of the institution. Southern leaders argued that individual states had the right to govern themselves without interference from the federal government, particularly when it came to the issue of slavery.

In reality, however, the states’ rights argument was used selectively. The very same men who now cried for states’ rights had cheered the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, a law that compelled free states to return escaped slaves to their owners, violating Northern states’ own rights to decide the fate of those within their borders.

By 1860, many Southerners had concluded that the federal government, and particularly a government led by a Republican, could no longer be trusted to protect their way of life. Talk of secession grew louder. Southern newspapers declared that if I were elected, the Union would be dissolved. Some argued that the South should leave before I even took office, as they believed any Republican administration would inevitably work to abolish slavery.

Despite my repeated assurances that I had no intention of interfering with slavery where it already existed, my very presence in the White House was seen as an existential threat. It was not just that I opposed the expansion of slavery—it was that I represented a North that was increasingly hostile to the Southern way of life.

Reflections on the Election of 1860 – Told by Abraham Lincoln

The year 1860 found our nation in a most perilous state. Sectional tensions over the question of slavery’s expansion into western territories had reached a fever pitch. The longstanding efforts to maintain peace through compromise were unraveling, and the American people stood on the precipice of profound change. It was in this charged atmosphere that the presidential election of 1860 took place—a contest that was not merely about governance but about the very future of the Union itself.

For the first time in our nation's history, four major candidates competed for the presidency, each representing a distinct political ideology and vision for America. Never before had the political landscape been so fractured, nor the stakes so high. The election was not a mere matter of choosing a leader; it was a referendum on the country’s fate, with passions inflamed, fears heightened, and misinformation spread like wildfire.

The Four Candidates and Their Political Platforms

A. Stephen A. Douglas – The Northern Democratic Party

Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, a longtime political opponent of mine, represented the Northern Democratic Party. Douglas had long been a proponent of popular sovereignty, the idea that the people of a given territory should decide for themselves whether to permit slavery. This principle, which he had defended in the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, had led to years of violent conflict in the territories and failed to resolve the question of slavery’s expansion. Nonetheless, Douglas remained steadfast in his belief that the Union could survive if the question were left to the people rather than dictated by Congress.

Despite his influence, Douglas’s stance alienated much of the South, where his refusal to fully support the Dred Scott decision (which ruled that Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in the territories) was seen as a betrayal. His platform sought to preserve the Union through compromise, though he ultimately carried only one state in the election.

B. John C. Breckinridge – The Southern Democratic Party

Vice President John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, the standard-bearer of the Southern Democratic Party, took a far more radical position. Breckinridge was an outspoken defender of slavery’s expansion, arguing that neither Congress nor territorial legislatures had the authority to restrict the practice. His party, which had split from Douglas and the Northern Democrats, sought federal protection of slavery in all U.S. territories, ensuring its survival and potential growth.

His candidacy was supported primarily by the Deep South, where fears of abolitionism and Northern political dominance had led to open threats of secession. Though he denied supporting secession during the campaign, his policies aligned closely with those who were prepared to take the South out of the Union if I were to win.

John Bell – The Constitutional Union Party

Former Senator John Bell of Tennessee ran under the Constitutional Union Party, a newly formed faction composed of former Whigs and moderate Democrats who sought to avoid the growing sectional crisis altogether. Bell’s platform was simple but vague—he and his party called for the preservation of the Union and the strict adherence to the Constitution, without taking a firm stand on slavery. His approach aimed to pacify tensions by appealing to moderates in both the North and South.

While Bell did not advocate for disunion, his unwillingness to confront the core issues at hand left his candidacy largely without clear direction. His appeal lay mainly in the border states, where many sought to prevent the looming war without fully committing to either side.

Abraham Lincoln – The Republican Party

I was honored to represent the Republican Party, a coalition formed only a few years prior in direct opposition to the expansion of slavery. My party’s platform was clear: slavery must not expand into any new territories. However, despite Southern accusations to the contrary, I had never called for its immediate abolition where it already existed.

My position was based on moral, economic, and political grounds. I believed that slavery was fundamentally wrong—a belief shaped by my readings, debates, and experiences as a young man. Yet, I also understood the practical constraints of governance. My goal was to prevent its expansion, hoping that, confined to the states where it already existed, it might eventually die out on its own.

The Republican Party, in addition to its stance against slavery’s spread, championed economic growth, infrastructure development, and free labor principles. We believed that the Western territories should be a land of opportunity for free men, not a battleground for the interests of slaveholders.

The Four-Way Race and the Storm of Misinformation

This election was unlike any other before it. With four candidates, each appealing to different factions of the American people, the contest was not a simple battle between two opposing visions, but rather a fragmented struggle that underscored the deep divisions within our nation.

The newspapers of the time were deeply partisan, with sensational headlines and exaggerated stories fueling the public’s anxieties. In the South, newspapers falsely accused me of plotting to incite a full-scale slave rebellion, painting me as a radical abolitionist who would strip Southern states of their sovereignty. Cartoons depicted me as a tyrant ready to dismantle their way of life.

In the North, Democratic newspapers accused me of being too weak on abolition, claiming I wouldn’t compromise with slaveholders once in office. They warned that I lacked experience and that my leadership would lead to instability and war. Meanwhile, Douglas, Breckinridge, and Bell each faced their own criticisms, with accusations of betrayal, extremism, or weakness leveled at them in turn.

There was such a divide, that most of the states in the south would not even allow my name be placed on their ballots. People in many states were not allowed to vote for me, though I don’t believe it would have made much of a difference seeing that the South didn’t quite like me anyways.

The American people were swept into a storm of fear, anger, and uncertainty. The election became not just about policy but about identity, morality, and the future of the Republic.

The Election Results and Its Consequences

On November 6, 1860, the people of the United States cast their votes. The results were decisive, though not without controversy. While I won only 40% of the popular vote, I secured a majority in the Electoral College with 180 votes. The North had spoken, and the Republican platform had triumphed.

• Lincoln (Republican): 180 electoral votes

• Breckinridge (Southern Democrat): 72 electoral votes

• Bell (Constitutional Union): 39 electoral votes

• Douglas (Northern Democrat): 12 electoral votes

Though I had prevailed, the stark sectional nature of the results could not be ignored. I had won without a single electoral vote from the South. This, more than anything, sent a signal to the slaveholding states that they no longer held power over the national government.

America’s Reaction to My Election Victory – Told by Lincoln

The North Rejoices, Yet Remains Uneasy

On the evening of November 6, 1860, as the final votes were tallied, I was informed that I had won the presidency. My victory was decisive in the Electoral College, securing 180 votes, though I received only 40% of the popular vote—a testament to the deep divisions within our nation.

Across the North, my election was met with celebration but also apprehension. The Republican Party had worked tirelessly to prevent the expansion of slavery, and many in the North saw my victory as a hopeful sign that the nation might finally take a stand against the spread of this institution. Bells rang out in cities like Chicago, Boston, and Philadelphia, and newspapers declared that a new era of politics had begun.

However, this jubilation was tempered by concern. Though I had won without a single electoral vote from the South, I knew that my presidency would be one of crisis. Many Northern citizens, while glad for my victory, worried about the South’s response. Even among my supporters, there was fear that secession might follow. The question was no longer whether the Southern states would resist my presidency, but how far they would go in their opposition.

I knew well that my words and actions in the coming months would shape the future of the nation, and I resolved to tread carefully. I had often stated that I had no intention to interfere with slavery where it already existed, but the South had made clear that my very election was seen as an act of war.

The Southern States React with Outrage

In the South, my victory was met not with mere opposition, but with outright fury and fear. Even before my name had been placed on the ballot, Southern leaders had warned that my election would be the final blow to their way of life. Many states had already vowed that if a Republican were elected, they would leave the Union.

The reaction in cities such as Charleston, Richmond, and Montgomery was swift and severe. Southern newspapers proclaimed that the United States was now in the hands of an abolitionist, despite my repeated assurances that I would not interfere with slavery where it was already established. They painted my election as the beginning of Northern tyranny, a direct assault on their rights, their economy, and their future. In South Carolina, the call for secession became deafening.

Threats, Propaganda, and the Fear of Northern Domination

Amid the political chaos, propaganda spread like wildfire. In both the North and the South, fear-mongering newspapers exaggerated the situation, deepening the divisions between the people.

In the South, politicians and newspapers claimed I was an abolitionist who would strip away their rights, confiscate their property, and incite slave rebellions. They portrayed me as a radical who would destroy their way of life. Rumors circulated that I would immediately outlaw slavery, send federal troops into the South, and free every enslaved person by force—none of which I had proposed or even suggested.

In reality, I had never called for the immediate abolition of slavery, nor had I suggested that I would govern as a tyrant over the Southern states. My stated position had always been that slavery must not expand into new territories, not that I would interfere where it already existed. But my words were twisted and used against me by those who sought to justify secession.

Meanwhile, in the North, a different kind of fear took hold. Many Northern citizens, though pleased with my victory, worried about what the South’s reaction might mean. Would they truly secede? Would it lead to civil war? Some moderates, even within my own party, hoped for a last-minute compromise—a way to keep the Southern states from breaking away while still upholding Republican principles. As the days passed, it became evident that the South would not accept my presidency.

South Carolina Secedes: The First Break from the Union – Told by Lincoln

In the South, my election was seen as the final blow—proof that the federal government would no longer cater to their interests. Nowhere was this sentiment stronger than in South Carolina, where for years, secessionists had openly proclaimed that they would not remain in a Union led by a Republican president. They believed their very way of life was at stake. The question for them was no longer whether they should secede, but when and how.

The Secession Debate in South Carolina

Even before the election results were final, South Carolina’s leaders began preparing for secession. On November 10, 1860, just four days after my election, the state’s legislature called for a special convention to decide the matter formally. This was not a hasty decision but a long-brewing storm that had now reached its breaking point.

The convention was scheduled to be held in Columbia, the state capital, in December. As delegates gathered, they brought with them fierce convictions and grave concerns. While most agreed that the state should leave the Union, there was debate over how and when to act. Some believed immediate secession was the only course, while others argued that South Carolina should wait and attempt to form a united front with other Southern states. The debate centered on several key fears and justifications:

• The Election of a Republican President – To the leaders of South Carolina, my election signified the end of Southern influence in national affairs. They believed that despite my reassurances, my administration would eventually seek to abolish slavery entirely, destroying their economy and way of life.

• States’ Rights and Sovereignty – Many in the South saw secession as a constitutional right. They argued that the Union was a compact of states, and if any state believed that compact had been violated, it had the right to withdraw.

• Economic Fears – South Carolina’s economy was deeply tied to slavery. They feared that under a Republican administration, slavery would be restricted, leading to economic collapse.

• Secession or Cooperation? – Some delegates, while supporting secession, urged caution. They believed South Carolina should wait for Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi to join in order to present a united Southern front. Others dismissed this idea, claiming that South Carolina must act independently and immediately.

Despite these differing views, the overwhelming sentiment was clear—South Carolina would not remain in the Union.

The Vote to Leave the United States

On December 17, 1860, the South Carolina Secession Convention officially convened. Originally planned for Columbia, the meeting was moved to Charleston, a city more aligned with the radical secessionist cause and free from the outbreak of smallpox that had struck the capital.

Once in Charleston, the delegates wasted little time. Though the debate had been passionate, the result was never truly in doubt. On December 20, 1860, in St. Andrew’s Hall, the convention delegates took their final vote. The result was unanimous—169 to 0 in favor of secession.

With this vote, South Carolina declared itself no longer part of the United States of America. The delegates erupted in cheers and celebrations, church bells rang, and cannon fire resounded through the city. They believed they were reclaiming their independence, much as their forefathers had done in 1776.

The next day, on December 21, 1860, a formal document titled the Ordinance of Secession was signed. It declared that: "The Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other states, under the name of the ‘United States of America,’ is hereby dissolved."

The Declaration of Causes: Justifying Secession

On December 24, 1860, South Carolina’s leaders issued the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union. This document made clear their reasoning:

• Slavery was the central issue – The declaration stated outright that the North’s hostility toward slavery was the primary cause of secession. South Carolina accused Northern states of violating the Fugitive Slave Act by refusing to return escaped enslaved people and declared that the North had undermined the constitutional rights of slaveholders.

• The federal government had failed to protect Southern interests – They argued that Northern states had encouraged resistance to slavery and that the election of a Republican president confirmed the government’s shift against the South.

• South Carolina was merely exercising its sovereign rights – The document claimed that just as the original thirteen colonies had left the British Empire, so too did South Carolina now leave the Union.

This declaration left no doubt: South Carolina had seceded to protect and preserve slavery.

The First Step Toward War

With South Carolina’s secession, the nation had reached a point of no return. This was not merely a political dispute—it was an open rejection of the United States government and the Constitution.

Other Southern states took notice. Seeing South Carolina’s success in leaving the Union without immediate consequence, they began their own secession efforts.

The Secession of the Southern States – Told by Lincoln

When South Carolina declared its secession on December 20, 1860, it did not act alone in its desire to leave the Union. For years, voices across the South had warned that if a Republican president were elected, their states would have no choice but to break away. Now that the deed was done in South Carolina, the question for other Southern states was not if, but when and how they would follow.

Each state, though bound by the same economic and political concerns, debated and decided its course in its own way. Some moved swiftly, while others hesitated, torn between loyalty to the Union and the pressures of their neighbors. As I watched from Springfield, I knew that every decision made in those months would shape the nation’s fate.

Mississippi: The Second to Fall (January 9, 1861)

Mississippi was the next to leave, seceding on January 9, 1861. Their Declaration of Secession, like South Carolina’s, made it unmistakably clear that the driving force behind their departure was slavery. In their own words: "Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery—the greatest material interest of the world."

The state’s leaders believed my presidency would bring restrictions on slavery, inevitably leading to its destruction. Mississippi’s convention had little serious debate; the secessionists held the majority, and the vote to leave the Union passed 84 to 15.

Florida: A Divided Decision (January 10, 1861)

Florida followed one day after Mississippi, on January 10, 1861. Yet, unlike South Carolina or Mississippi, the vote to secede was not unanimous. The 62 to 7 vote showed that while secessionists controlled the government, not all Floridians were eager to leave the Union.

Many in northern Florida, where fewer plantations existed, remained hesitant. However, the voices of the large slaveholding class and pressure from neighboring states pushed Florida into the Confederacy.

Alabama: Calling for Unity in Secession (January 11, 1861)

Alabama seceded the very next day, on January 11, 1861. The state’s leaders had watched South Carolina, Mississippi, and Florida go first, and they believed Alabama had no choice but to stand with them.

A fierce debate took place between Unionists and secessionists, but in the end, secession won by a vote of 61 to 39. Alabama’s secessionists sought to convince other hesitant Southern states to join them, declaring: "We solemnly appeal to our sister states to join us in this great movement."

Their appeal would soon be answered.

Georgia: A Fierce Internal Battle (January 19, 1861)

Georgia, the largest and most influential Deep South state, faced an intense fight over secession. Many Unionists, including former Governor Alexander Stephens (who would later become the Confederate Vice President), warned that leaving the Union would bring ruin and war. Yet, as more Southern states left, the pressure on Georgia grew.

The secession convention, held in Milledgeville, was deeply divided. Yet in the final vote, Georgia left the Union by a margin of 208 to 89. The state soon became a leader in the Confederacy, providing men and supplies for the coming war.

Louisiana: A Strategic Departure (January 26, 1861)

On January 26, 1861, Louisiana seceded. Its position at the mouth of the Mississippi River, and its control over the key port of New Orleans, made its secession particularly significant.

While wealthy plantation owners and slaveholders strongly supported leaving the Union, many in New Orleans feared economic collapse. The port depended on Northern and international trade, and breaking away from the United States meant uncertainty.

Despite economic concerns, secessionists carried the day, believing that Louisiana’s prosperity depended on standing with the other slaveholding states.

Texas: A Vote Divided by Loyalty (February 1, 1861)

Texas was the last of the seven Deep South states to leave before my inauguration. Unlike the others, Texas was led by a Unionist governor, Sam Houston. Houston, a hero of the Texas Revolution, warned his people that secession would bring only destruction and bloodshed.

However, secessionist sentiment was overwhelming. The vote to secede on February 1, 1861, passed 166 to 8. When Houston refused to take an oath of loyalty to the Confederacy, he was removed from office.

James Buchanan and the Failure to Act – Told by Lincoln

When I was elected in November 1860, the Union was already on the edge of collapse. Secessionist movements in the South had been growing for years, and my election was the catalyst they had been waiting for.

But while I was elected President, I was not yet in office. The responsibility to act fell upon James Buchanan, the sitting President. For nearly four long months, while the country fell apart, Buchanan remained in the White House, doing little to stop the rebellion that was unfolding before him.

I watched from Springfield, Illinois, as state after state seceded, declaring themselves independent of the United States. Buchanan, though still President of the United States, refused to take decisive action, believing that he had neither the power nor the authority to prevent them from leaving.

Had Buchanan acted firmly—had he sent reinforcements to federal forts, had he called upon Congress for stronger measures, had he taken a stand for the Union—perhaps the tide of secession could have been slowed, or even stopped. But he did none of these things.

Instead, his inaction gave the Confederates time to prepare their government, seize federal property, and organize their forces.

Buchanan’s Beliefs: Secession is Illegal, But I Can Do Nothing

On December 3, 1860, in his final State of the Union Address, Buchanan made his position clear:

• He believed that secession was illegal. He stated that no state had the right to leave the Union.

• But he also claimed that the federal government had no power to stop it.

"The Union is intended to be perpetual… Secession is neither more nor less than revolution." Yet, even as he condemned secession, he took no action to prevent it.

This, to me, was the greatest failure of his presidency. A President of the United States cannot simply stand aside while the nation tears itself apart. If secession was illegal, then why did he not act to stop it?

His hesitation and inaction sent a dangerous message to the South: that the federal government would not resist their rebellion.

Buchanan’s Failure to Defend Federal Forts

One of Buchanan’s greatest mistakes was his failure to protect federal military forts in the South.

When South Carolina seceded in December 1860, U.S. Army Major Robert Anderson remained in command of Fort Moultrie in Charleston Harbor. But he saw that the fort was vulnerable to attack, so he made the bold decision to move his troops to Fort Sumter, a much stronger position.

This move enraged South Carolina’s secessionists, who demanded that Buchanan order Anderson to surrender the fort.

Buchanan, to his credit, refused to surrender Fort Sumter, but he also failed to reinforce it. When he attempted to send supplies aboard the merchant ship Star of the West in January 1861, the Confederates fired upon it, forcing it to retreat.

At that moment, Buchanan had every right to respond with force—to defend federal property from armed rebellion. Instead, he did nothing.

This weakness emboldened the Confederates, who now believed they could continue to seize federal property without consequence.

The South Seizes Federal Property While Buchanan Watches

As the weeks passed, Buchanan stood by as the seceded states began seizing federal arsenals, forts, and navy yards.

• Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, and Louisiana all seized federal forts and armories in early January 1861.

• The U.S. Arsenal in Baton Rouge, Louisiana, was taken without a fight.

• Federal customs houses, revenue offices, and post offices were occupied by Confederates.

Buchanan did nothing to stop it. The federal government was losing control of the South, yet the President remained paralyzed.

Had he acted quickly—had he sent federal troops to defend these positions—he might have forced the South to rethink their rebellion. Instead, he allowed them to take everything they needed to prepare for war.

The Cabinet Crisis and Buchanan’s Weakness

Even Buchanan’s own Cabinet began to turn against him.

• His Secretary of War, John B. Floyd, was a Southern sympathizer who had secretly transferred weapons and supplies to the South before resigning.

• His Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, resigned in protest, furious that Buchanan was not acting against secession.

• New Cabinet members urged him to take action, but by then, it was too late.

Buchanan had no clear strategy, no firm stance, and no willingness to take bold action. He merely hoped that the crisis would resolve itself.

My Growing Frustration with Buchanan

As I sat in Springfield, watching these events unfold, I grew more and more frustrated with Buchanan’s failure.

I had no power yet, but I knew that every day he delayed, the South grew stronger and the Union grew weaker. By the time I took office, the Confederacy would be fully formed, armed, and prepared for war.

I did not expect Buchanan to go to war before my inauguration, but I did expect him to assert federal authority, to stand firm, to make it clear that the Union was not to be broken. Instead, he hesitated. He waited and watched as the country slipped away from him.

Buchanan’s Final Days: A Broken President

By the time I arrived in Washington in February 1861, Buchanan had become a defeated man. He knew that history would judge him harshly, and he welcomed my arrival, eager to leave the crisis in my hands.

When we met at the White House on March 4, 1861, for my inauguration, he reportedly told me:

"If you are as happy in entering the White House as I shall feel on returning to Wheatland, you are a happy man indeed."

It was a revealing statement. He was relieved to leave, to pass the burden to me. I could not afford such relief. I knew that I was walking into a nation on the verge of war, and unlike Buchanan, I would not stand idly by while the Union crumbled.

A House Divided: Chaos in Congress Before the War – Told by Stephen A Douglas

Tensions Boil Over in the Senate Chamber

The winter of 1860–1861 was unlike any I had ever seen in Washington. The halls of Congress, once filled with the usual spirited debates of government, had become a battleground of threats, accusations, and near-violence. With Southern states seceding one by one, it seemed each day brought new resignations, new betrayals, and new fractures in our government.

I had fought long and hard to keep the Union together, but I knew, as I stood in the Senate chamber that January, that we were on the edge of war. And then, it nearly came to blows right before my eyes.

Senators Wade and Wigfall: A Near Caning

It happened on January 21, 1861—a day I will never forget. The Senate was in heated debate over the recent secessions, and tempers had been rising like steam from a boiler. I stood near my desk, watching as Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio, a fierce Republican abolitionist, locked eyes with Senator Louis Wigfall of Texas, a firebrand secessionist.

Wade had been mocking the Southern senators who had resigned, calling them cowards running from democracy. He had little patience for men who sought to tear apart the Union, and he made it clear that if war came, he would welcome it.

Wigfall, never one to back down from a fight, sprang to his feet, his face red with rage.

"You speak boldly now, Wade, but you and your Northern brethren will soon learn what Southern steel feels like!" he roared.

Wade, ever the hothead, gripped his cane and took a step forward. His voice cut through the chamber:

"If you're so eager to start a war, why don’t we settle it right here, right now?"

For a moment, I truly believed he might strike Wigfall right there in the Senate. The room fell silent.

A few senators rushed forward to separate them, including Senator John Crittenden of Kentucky, who was still desperately trying to keep the peace. Others, however, egged them on, their passions too inflamed to stop the spectacle.

But the fight was avoided—just barely. Wigfall stormed out, and Wade returned to his seat, muttering about how traitors ought to be dealt with.

I exhaled, knowing this was only a small preview of the violence to come.

Other Explosive Moments in Congress

That moment was not the first, nor would it be the last, in those turbulent months.

• Southern Senators Resign (January 1861): Just before the confrontation between Wade and Wigfall, the Senate chamber had been filled with the speeches of Southern senators resigning from their seats. I watched as Jefferson Davis of Mississippi stood, gave a solemn farewell, and walked out of the chamber—on his way to become President of the Confederacy. The very foundation of our government was crumbling.

• The House in Uproar (December 1860): In the House of Representatives, a debate over secession had nearly turned into a full-out brawl. Congressman Barksdale of Mississippi had shouted at Republicans, calling them tyrants and abolitionist fanatics, while Congressman Edwin Stanton of Ohio had fired back that the South had betrayed the country. At one point, a Virginia representative had drawn a knife, though the scuffle was broken up before anyone was wounded.

• Charles Sumner’s Return to the Senate: Sumner, who had been beaten nearly to death with a cane in 1856 by Southern congressman Preston Brooks, returned to the Senate chamber with a fiery speech against secession. His words sent pro-slavery senators into a rage, and for a moment, I thought another violent incident might occur.

The air in Washington was thick with anger and fear. The walls of the Capitol itself felt as though they might crack under the weight of secession, rebellion, and treason.

My Own Plea for Unity

As I watched these events unfold, I did everything I could to hold the Union together. I had spent years arguing for popular sovereignty, believing that if we simply let the people decide, war could be avoided. But it was clear now that the time for compromise had passed.

When the Senate erupted into near-violence, I stood and spoke to the chamber, trying to be a voice of reason. "If war comes, it will be a war of our own making. We have allowed passion to blind us, to divide us, and now we stand on the brink of ruin. But I tell you this—no matter what happens, the Union must and will be preserved."

Some listened. Many did not. The time for words was ending.

The Unavoidable War

After that day, Senator Wade continued to advocate for a hard-line stance against the South, while men like Wigfall returned home to prepare for war. Within weeks, the first shots would be fired.

Looking back, I see now that the Civil War did not start at Fort Sumter—it started in the halls of Congress, where words had become weapons and diplomacy had turned into violence.

As for me, I would not live to see the war's end. Though I had once been Lincoln’s rival, in those final months, I became his ally in preserving the Union.

Before my death in June 1861, I gave one last speech, calling upon all men—Democrats and Republicans, North and South—to stand together and fight for the United States.

"The Union is not dead. It cannot die. It is worth every sacrifice. And I, for one, will not watch it fall without a fight."

But war had already come. And all the speeches in the world could not stop it now.

The Confederate States of America

Jefferson Davis: The Rise of the Confederate President

The Mississippi sun burned hot over the fields of cotton and corn, where a young boy with a sharp mind and strong will grew up among the towering trees of his family’s plantation. Jefferson Finis Davis, born on June 3, 1808, in a modest home in Christian County, Kentucky, would one day lead a nation in rebellion. He was the last of ten children, raised in the rough world of the American frontier, where survival meant hard work, discipline, and an unwavering sense of loyalty to one’s people.

Little did he know, his life would be one of triumph and tragedy, of war and politics, of leadership and, ultimately, defeat.

A Young Man of Ambition

Jefferson’s early years were spent in Mississippi, where his father moved the family when he was an infant. His upbringing was one of privilege, yet it was tempered by the values of the South—honor, duty, and fierce independence. His family ensured he received the best education available, sending him to Transylvania University in Kentucky as a teenager. However, his future lay not in the lecture halls, but on the battlefield.

At 16, young Jefferson was appointed to the United States Military Academy at West Point. He was a capable cadet but no standout, often finding himself at odds with authority. He graduated in 1828 and was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army. Yet, the life of a soldier in peacetime did not suit him.

Fate, however, had other plans. While stationed at Fort Crawford in Wisconsin Territory, Davis met Sarah Knox Taylor, the daughter of his commanding officer, General Zachary Taylor. Their love was strong, but Taylor disapproved of Davis as a suitor. Against her father’s wishes, Sarah married Jefferson in 1835. The joy was short-lived—within three months, Sarah fell ill with malaria and died, leaving Jefferson heartbroken.

Devastated, he withdrew from military life, resigning his commission and retreating into solitude on his Mississippi plantation. For years, he lived in quiet seclusion, immersing himself in books, philosophy, and the study of government.

A Return to Public Life

Grief could not keep him away from the world forever. In 1845, Davis emerged from his isolation, marrying Varina Howell, a sharp and intelligent Southern woman who would stand by his side for the rest of his life. That same year, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives for Mississippi, marking the beginning of his long career in politics.

Davis was not destined to stay in Congress long. With the outbreak of the Mexican-American War in 1846, he resigned his seat and raised a regiment of Mississippi Rifles. He fought bravely at the Battle of Buena Vista, where his leadership and courage won him national fame. Even General Zachary Taylor, the father-in-law who once opposed him, praised his battlefield skill.

After the war, Davis was appointed to the U.S. Senate and soon became one of the most vocal defenders of states’ rights and the Southern way of life. He believed in the sovereignty of the states, arguing that the federal government had no right to interfere with slavery. In 1853, President Franklin Pierce made him Secretary of War, where Davis strengthened the army and pushed for the expansion of Southern influence.

When Abraham Lincoln was elected president in 1860, Davis knew what was coming. Secession loomed over the South, and despite his past support for the Union, he believed the Southern states had the right to leave. Mississippi was among the first to secede, and when it did, Davis resigned from the Senate.

He expected to serve in a military role in the coming conflict, but destiny had something greater in store.

President of a Rebellion

On February 18, 1861, standing before a sea of Southern supporters in Montgomery, Alabama, Jefferson Davis took the oath of office as the first and only President of the Confederate States of America. The burden of leadership weighed heavily on him—he knew the South faced an uphill battle against a more industrialized, better-equipped North.

His government was formed in haste, its constitution crafted to preserve states’ rights and slavery, but unity among the seceded states was fragile. Even as he led the South in its bid for independence, he faced constant political infighting among his own people. Governors and generals often acted independently, making it difficult to coordinate the war effort.

When war finally came in April 1861, Davis hoped for a quick Southern victory, believing that if the Confederacy proved its strength, the North would sue for peace. Instead, the war dragged on for four long, bloody years. Davis struggled to hold the Confederacy together, managing scarce resources and dealing with generals who often ignored his orders.

Though he placed his faith in Robert E. Lee, his leadership was often questioned. As the war turned against the South, he became increasingly unpopular, accused of favoritism and an unwillingness to compromise.

By 1865, the Confederacy was crumbling. Union forces, under Ulysses S. Grant and William Tecumseh Sherman, had cut through the South. Richmond, the Confederate capital, fell in April, forcing Davis and his government to flee.

Defeat and Captivity

On May 10, 1865, Davis was captured in Georgia by Union troops. Humiliated, he was imprisoned at Fort Monroe in Virginia, where he was treated harshly, kept in chains at times, and accused of treason.

For two years, he remained a prisoner, waiting for a trial that never came. Many in the North wanted him executed, but others, including Northern politicians, feared making him a martyr for the Southern cause. Finally, in 1867, he was released on bail, never facing formal prosecution.

A Life in Exile and Reflection

Though a free man, Davis was a man without a nation. The South he fought for was gone, its economy shattered, its cities burned, and its people struggling under Reconstruction. Unlike Lee, who urged reconciliation, Davis never formally accepted the defeat of the Confederacy.

He spent his remaining years writing his memoirs, defending the South, and living in relative obscurity. In his book, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, he justified secession, arguing that the South had fought for liberty, not slavery. However, history had passed him by.

On December 6, 1889, at the age of 81, Jefferson Davis died in New Orleans. Thousands attended his funeral, hailing him as the "Champion of the Lost Cause." Though he had led the South in rebellion, he never again held political power. His name would forever be tied to a war that nearly destroyed the United States.

A Legacy of Controversy

Jefferson Davis remains one of the most controversial figures in American history. To some, he was a patriot fighting for the rights of his people. To others, he was a man who led a rebellion to protect an unjust institution. His life, from soldier to senator to president, was one of great ambition, great failure, and great tragedy.

He did not start the war, but he led the losing side. And when it ended, he carried its burden until his dying day.

The Birth of the Confederate States of America – Told by Jefferson Davis

The secession of South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas was not an act of reckless abandon, nor was it made in haste. These states did not secede simply out of anger or defiance; they left the Union with the firm conviction that their rights, their property, and their very way of life were under direct assault. The election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 confirmed what many in the South had long feared—that the federal government was now in the hands of those who sought to undermine our sovereignty, our traditions, and the institution of slavery, upon which our economy was built.

With each passing week, more states cast their lot with South Carolina, and by February 1861, we stood at the threshold of a new chapter in history. Our people did not seek war, but we would not submit to the dictates of a government that no longer represented us.

It was clear—we could not remain a fragmented collection of states. We had to unite as one. And so, our leaders gathered to create a new nation.

The Montgomery Convention: Laying the Foundation (February 4, 1861)

On February 4, 1861, delegates from the seceded states assembled in Montgomery, Alabama. The purpose was clear—to establish a government separate from the United States, one that would protect the rights and sovereignty of the Southern people.

This gathering, known as the Montgomery Convention, was held in the Alabama State Capitol, and it was there that the groundwork was laid for what would soon become the Confederate States of America. Delegates, drawn from the most respected leaders of the South, wasted no time in drafting a provisional constitution.

In just four days, by February 8, 1861, we had ratified the Provisional Constitution of the Confederacy. It was modeled after the United States Constitution but with significant alterations:

• It explicitly protected the institution of slavery in Confederate territories.

• It limited the power of the central government, ensuring that individual states retained greater sovereignty.

• It forbade tariffs and federal infrastructure spending, keeping the government from interfering in state economies.

This Constitution was an improvement upon the flawed Union framework—one that corrected the overreach of the federal government while ensuring the protection of our Southern institutions.

Confederate States’ Constitution and our Demands (February 8, 1861)

With our secession from the United States, it was imperative that we establish a government that truly reflected the principles upon which our people stood—a government that recognized the rights of sovereign states, upheld our institutions, and protected our way of life. The task before us was to craft a constitution that enshrined these values while correcting the errors we believed had doomed the Union.

On February 8, 1861, the delegates of the seceded states, assembled in Montgomery, Alabama, ratified the Provisional Constitution of the Confederate States of America. Though based largely on the United States Constitution, our document made distinct changes to ensure that our Confederacy would not follow the same destructive path as the Union. We sought to restore the original intent of the Founding Fathers, placing the authority of states above federal power, and securing the very institution that had made the South prosperous—slavery.

In March of 1861, the final Confederate Constitution was completed and ratified.

The Key Principles of the Confederate Constitution

The Confederate Constitution mirrored much of the United States Constitution, but with crucial modifications that addressed our concerns over the abuses of federal power.

1. State Sovereignty Above Federal Authority”: We ensured that state governments held the supreme authority within their borders. Unlike in the Union, where the federal government had grown too powerful, our constitution strictly limited the reach of the central government.

• Each state retained full sovereignty over its own laws and governance.

• No laws could be imposed upon a state that were not agreed upon by its representatives.

• The right to secede was inherently understood, for our Confederacy was built upon the principle that states had voluntarily entered into a compact and could voluntarily leave if their rights were violated.

2. Protection of Slavery as the Foundation of the Economy: Our constitution explicitly protected the institution of slavery—not just as a tolerated practice, but as a fundamental right that could not be abolished. The North had long sought to undermine our prosperity by interfering with slavery, and we would not allow such tyranny in our new government.

• Slavery was recognized and protected in all Confederate states and territories.

• The government was prohibited from passing any law that would restrict or abolish slavery.

• New states and territories joining the Confederacy must allow slavery, preventing future conflicts over the issue.

3. A Stronger Executive with a Limited Term: The President of the Confederacy was granted a single six-year term, ensuring that no man could entrench himself in power for too long. Unlike the Union’s system, where re-election led to extended political struggles, we believed in efficiency and decisive leadership.

Additionally, the President was given a line-item veto, allowing me to strike down specific parts of legislation rather than being forced to accept or reject an entire bill. This ensured that wasteful spending and corruption could be curtailed.

4. Prohibiting Protective Tariffs

The Confederate economy depended upon trade with Europe, and we recognized the damaging effect of the tariffs imposed by the North. Our constitution explicitly banned protective tariffs, ensuring that the Southern economy could flourish without government interference.

5. Restricting Government Spending and Infrastructure Projects

Unlike the Northern states, which had grown reliant on federal spending for roads, railroads, and industry, our constitution limited the role of government in internal improvements. The federal government was prohibited from funding infrastructure projects, leaving such decisions to the individual states.

We believed that economic progress should be driven by private enterprise and state governments, not by a bloated and overreaching national government.

Our Demands Upon the North

The formation of our government was not merely an act of defiance—it was a declaration that we would no longer be subject to Northern aggression. While we sought peace, we also laid out clear demands for the Union if they wished to avoid further conflict.

1. Recognition of the Confederate States as an Independent Nation: The most immediate demand was simple: the North must acknowledge our sovereignty. We were no longer a part of the Union, and we had no intention of returning. Any attempt by the North to reclaim authority over us would be considered an act of war. We had formed our own government, elected our own leaders, and established our own constitution. The Union had no rightful claim to rule over us any longer.

2. The Return of Federal Property Within the Confederacy: Although we had peacefully seceded, the Union still held forts, arsenals, and naval bases within our territory. Among the most critical of these was Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor. We demanded that the North surrender all federal properties in Confederate states. These forts were now within our borders and should be controlled by our government, not by foreign troops. The refusal to surrender these posts would be seen as a hostile occupation of our lands.

3. No Interference with Our Economic System: We would not tolerate any attempts to restrict our ability to trade, conduct commerce, or maintain our labor system. The North had long sought to weaken the South through tariffs and abolitionist agitation. In our Confederacy, such interference would not be accepted.

4. Safe Passage for Southern Trade and Shipping: The North controlled many of the key ports and trade routes, and we made it clear that the Union must not obstruct Southern trade with Europe. Any blockade or restriction upon our commerce would be viewed as an act of war.

5. Respect for Our Sovereignty in New Territories: While we had formed the Confederacy with seven states, we anticipated that other states might soon join us. We made it clear that we would welcome new states, and the North had no right to interfere in our expansion.

Choosing Jefferson Davis: A Reluctant Leader

With the structure of our new government in place, the next step was choosing a president. The burden was heavy, for the man who would lead the Confederacy would need to possess military experience, political acumen, and unwavering devotion to the South’s cause.

Many names were considered, but in the end, the decision was swift. On February 9, 1861, in a unanimous vote, the delegates chose me, Jefferson Davis, as the Provisional President of the Confederate States of America.

Though honored by the decision, I did not seek the presidency. At the time of my election, I was at my plantation home in Mississippi, enjoying a brief respite from political life. When word reached me that I had been selected, I reluctantly accepted, knowing that duty called me to serve.

I had served as a U.S. Senator and Secretary of War, and I had fought in the Mexican-American War. I understood the hardships ahead, and I knew the great responsibility that rested upon my shoulders. The road before us would not be easy, but I vowed to do all in my power to secure the independence of the Southern states.

The Inauguration: A Call to Arms (February 18, 1861)

On February 18, 1861, I arrived in Montgomery, Alabama, to take the oath of office as the first President of the Confederacy. Before a crowd of thousands, I stood upon the steps of the Alabama State Capitol, gazing out at the men and women who now looked to me for leadership. As I delivered my inaugural address, I spoke to the spirit of the South: "The time for compromise has passed. The moment has come when we must stand firm, as our fathers did before us. We did not seek disunion, but neither shall we remain subject to a government that no longer respects our rights. The South is now a free and independent nation, and we shall defend it with all the strength God has given us."

I made clear that our cause was one of defense, not aggression. I told the people of the South that we did not desire war, but we would not shrink from it if the North attempted to subjugate us.

The crowd erupted in cheers, and across the South, the message was received with renewed determination. We were no longer individual states fighting to hold onto our sovereignty—we were now a unified Confederacy, a new nation ready to stand against tyranny.

Preparing for the Struggle Ahead

With the Confederate government established and a president chosen, the final steps in our formation had to be taken. Over the coming weeks, the Confederacy would:

• Begin organizing a national army, calling upon the brave men of the South to defend their homeland.

• Establish a permanent capital, which would later be moved from Montgomery to Richmond, Virginia.

• Reach out to foreign nations, seeking recognition and support from Britain and France.

Yet even as we solidified our new government, tensions escalated. Federal forts and military installations remained in Southern territory, and the most pressing of these was Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor.

The Union refused to recognize our independence, and President Lincoln, though silent at first, would soon be forced to make a choice—either accept our departure from the Union or use force to bring us back.

The Fate of the Confederacy is Sealed

Our people had taken decisive action. The Confederate States of America had been born, its government established, and its leadership secured.

I did not doubt that the North would resist our departure, but I had faith in our cause. We had not sought war, but if war came, we would fight for our homes, our rights, and our freedom.

The time for debate had passed. Now, the South stood ready to defend itself.

Confederate Government and the Reactions of North and South – Told by Davis

When the Confederate States of America was officially formed in February 1861, the response from the South was met with both celebration and hesitation. Many rejoiced, believing that we had cast off the chains of Northern oppression and finally taken control of our own destiny. In cities like Charleston, Montgomery, and Richmond, crowds cheered, church bells rang, and cannons fired in celebration of our newfound independence.

Plantation owners, politicians, and those who had long advocated for states’ rights saw our new government as the restoration of Southern honor. They believed we had followed in the footsteps of our forefathers in 1776, declaring our sovereignty just as they had once done against the British Crown.

Yet, even within the South, not all were in favor of this bold step. Some Unionist leaders feared the cost of secession and questioned whether war could truly be avoided. The old and revered Sam Houston of Texas, despite his deep Southern roots, refused to support secession and was forced from office when Texas left the Union. Many in the mountain regions of Tennessee and North Carolina, where slavery was less entrenched, also expressed reluctance. Still, the will of the majority prevailed, and our Confederacy was born.

The North Reacts with Shock and Defiance

The North, though politically divided before my election, was staggered by the speed of our secession. Some in their newspapers mocked us, believing that we would soon beg to return once faced with the difficulties of governance. Others, however, took our resolve seriously, warning that we had now set ourselves on a collision course with war.

President James Buchanan, still in office at the time, made no effort to stop us, though he declared that secession was unconstitutional. He refused to take military action, arguing that the federal government had no authority to force a state to remain. This inaction emboldened us further, allowing us to seize federal forts and armories without resistance.

However, when Abraham Lincoln took office in March 1861, his stance was far less passive. He refused to recognize our independence and refused to withdraw federal troops from Fort Sumter and other key military positions within our borders. Though he claimed he would not attack us, he made clear that he considered our Confederacy illegal and temporary.

The abolitionists of the North, led by figures such as Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison, were vocal in their condemnation. They saw our new nation as one built upon the preservation of slavery, a government designed explicitly to keep men in bondage. Their voices grew louder, calling for Lincoln to act forcefully against us.

Prominent Figures Who Took a Side

Secession forced men and women to make a choice. Many stood by their home states, but some prominent Americans defied their origins, siding with the opposing cause.

Those Who Stood with the South

• Robert E. Lee, though hesitant at first, ultimately resigned from the U.S. Army and took up command of Virginia’s military forces. He declared that he would not take up arms against his own people, despite having served the United States for decades.

• John C. Breckinridge, former Vice President of the United States, became one of our most outspoken defenders and later served as Confederate Secretary of War.

• James Murray Mason and John Slidell, two Southern diplomats, immediately began working to secure foreign recognition from Britain and France.

Those Who Broke with the South

• Sam Houston of Texas, though a lifelong Southerner and a hero of the Texas Revolution, refused to take the oath to the Confederacy and was removed as governor. He warned that secession would bring ruin and war.

• Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, though a Southern Democrat, stood firmly against secession, later becoming Lincoln’s running mate and ultimately President of the United States.

• Winfield Scott, General of the U.S. Army, though a Virginian by birth, remained loyal to the Union, preparing military strategy for Lincoln.

Others, like Southern-born Ulysses S. Grant, remained conflicted but ultimately fought for the Union. While some Union officers resigned to join the Confederacy, others stayed and led Northern armies against us.

A Nation Divided—A Future Uncertain

The formation of our government, the drafting of our constitution, and the election of our leadership happened swiftly, but we knew this was only the beginning. We had separated from the Union, but the Union refused to acknowledge our sovereignty. Our demand to be left alone was met with the stubborn refusal of Lincoln and his allies.

In the South, many believed that the North would not fight—that they had no desire to wage war to preserve the Union. Others, myself included, knew that if we were to maintain our independence, we must be prepared for the cost of war.

With Fort Sumter still in Union hands and Lincoln refusing to surrender it, the question remained: Would the North let us go in peace, or would we be forced to defend our independence on the battlefield?

Soon, we would have our answer.

Peace Conference of 1861: The Last Attempt to Save the Union – Told by Lincoln

As the Union teetered on the brink of war, there remained a glimmer of hope—an attempt to resolve the crisis through diplomacy rather than bloodshed. The Peace Conference of 1861, held in Washington, D.C., from February 4 to February 27, was the last, desperate effort to prevent a civil war.

The conference was proposed by Virginia, a state that had not yet seceded but was deeply divided between Unionists and secessionists. Virginia’s leaders feared that if war broke out, their state would become the battleground—a prophecy that would soon prove true. Hoping to prevent conflict, they called for a gathering of all non-seceded states to negotiate a final compromise.

Despite my election as President, I had no involvement in the conference. James Buchanan was still in office, and the peace talks were held under his administration. I followed the proceedings from Springfield, watching as one last attempt was made to hold the country together.

The Representatives and Their Divisions

Delegates from 21 states attended the conference. Notably absent were the seven states that had already seceded, as they refused to negotiate any terms that would keep them in the Union.

The representatives were divided into three factions:

1. The Compromisers – Mostly from border states like Kentucky, Maryland, and Virginia, these men sought any solution that might keep the Union intact. They were willing to accept some expansion of slavery in exchange for preserving the nation.

2. The Hardline Unionists – Delegates from Northern free states like Massachusetts and New York who opposed any compromise that expanded slavery. They saw the secession crisis as an ultimatum: the South must either return without conditions, or the Union must prepare for war.

3. The Southern Sympathizers – A few delegates from Tennessee and North Carolina, states that had not yet seceded but leaned toward the Confederacy, pushed for a stronger guarantee of slavery’s protection to prevent further disunion.

The stage was set for debate, yet neither side was willing to yield.

The Demands of Each Side

Southern Demands: A Guarantee for Slavery

Though the Deep South states had already seceded, Southern-leaning delegates at the conference made their demands clear. They insisted that:

• Slavery must be explicitly protected in the Constitution, not just where it existed, but in all new territories.

• The Fugitive Slave Act must be strictly enforced, requiring Northern states to return all escaped slaves without interference.

• The federal government must not interfere with slavery in the District of Columbia or in any Southern states.

• Future amendments restricting slavery should be prohibited, ensuring that abolition would never be possible.

For these delegates, the goal was not just preserving slavery where it existed but ensuring its permanent expansion and legal protection.

Northern Demands: No Expansion of Slavery

Unionist delegates from the North, however, were unwilling to make further concessions to slavery. Their demands were:

• No expansion of slavery into any new territories—the Republican Party’s core belief.

• A firm stand against secession, rejecting the South’s claim that states had a right to leave the Union at will.

• A resolution to enforce federal authority over all states, ensuring the Union remained intact.

Some moderate Republicans were willing to accept stronger protections for slavery where it already existed, but none would agree to its expansion.

The Crittenden Compromise: A Failed Solution

At the heart of the peace conference was a proposal by Senator John Crittenden of Kentucky, known as the Crittenden Compromise. It was the final, most serious attempt to prevent war.

The compromise proposed:

1. Restoring the Missouri Compromise Line (36°30′ latitude), making slavery legal south of it and illegal north of it.

2. Amending the Constitution to protect slavery forever where it already existed.

3. Preventing Congress from ever interfering with slavery in the Southern states.

This proposal was the South’s last hope for a peaceful resolution, as it would have guaranteed slavery’s survival in Southern states and allowed its expansion into the western territories.

However, the Republicans rejected it outright. My party had been founded on stopping slavery’s expansion, and to accept such a compromise would mean abandoning the very principles I had been elected to uphold.

The Northern Reaction to the Conference

When the proposals of the Peace Conference reached the North, the response was largely negative.

• Abolitionists and radical Republicans saw it as yet another attempt to cater to the demands of slaveholders.

• Moderate Republicans, though more sympathetic, still felt that any expansion of slavery was unacceptable.

• President-elect Lincoln (myself) never endorsed the conference or its proposals. I knew that slavery’s expansion had to be stopped, and any compromise that extended it would only postpone the inevitable conflict.

Though I had no direct role in rejecting the Crittenden Compromise, I made my position clear—the Union could not survive if it continued to give in to the demands of the slave states.

The Southern Reaction: A Final Confirmation of Secession

To the South, the failure of the Peace Conference confirmed what they already believed—the North would never compromise enough to protect their way of life.

Southern leaders saw the rejection of the Crittenden Compromise as proof that the North sought to destroy slavery entirely. While the border states of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas had not yet seceded, this failure pushed them closer to joining the Confederacy.

Jefferson Davis and the Confederate leadership in Montgomery saw the conference as a waste of time, believing that the South was better off independent than remaining in a Union that would not guarantee their interests.

The Peace Conference Collapses

By the end of February 1861, the conference had failed. No agreement had been reached, and no compromise could satisfy both sides. The final proposals were sent to Congress, but they were ignored and never passed.

The time for peace had come and gone. I knew, as I prepared to take the oath of office, that war was now all but inevitable. The Confederacy was organizing its government, seizing federal forts, and preparing for a fight. The North, meanwhile, was awakening to the realization that the Union might have to be preserved by force.

Inauguration Delays and an Inauguration of a Nation in Crisis – Told by Lincoln

When I was elected on November 6, 1860, I understood that my presidency would not be like those before it. From the moment my victory was declared, the Southern states began their march toward secession, forming the Confederate States of America by February 1861. But even as the country unraveled, I could do little—I was not yet the President.

Under the Constitution, I would not take office until March 4, 1861. This meant that for nearly four months, I could only watch from my home in Springfield, Illinois, as states seceded, the Peace Conference failed, and the Confederacy armed itself.

Meanwhile, President James Buchanan, though still in office, took no decisive action to stop the crisis. He claimed that secession was illegal, but he also argued that the federal government had no power to prevent it. This left the Union in a dangerous position—one where rebellion was openly happening, yet the government refused to act.

The delay in my inauguration meant that the Confederates had precious time to organize their government, seize federal forts, and prepare for war. When I finally left Springfield for Washington, I knew I was inheriting a country on the very brink of destruction.

The Final Attempts at Compromise

Despite the collapse of the Peace Conference of 1861, some still hoped that war could be avoided. In the weeks before my inauguration, I received letters, envoys, and desperate pleas from men who wished to find a final solution to the crisis.

Many urged me to endorse the Crittenden Compromise, which would have protected slavery in the South permanently and allowed its expansion into new territories. But I could not accept such a proposal. My election had been won on the principle that slavery must not expand, and I would not betray those who had placed their trust in me.

Others suggested a national convention, where representatives from all states could negotiate new terms for the Union. But by this time, the Southern states refused to participate in any discussions, making such a convention useless.

Some Unionists believed that offering the South economic incentives—such as lower tariffs and stronger trade agreements—might convince them to return. But the Confederate leaders had already committed themselves to independence and had no interest in remaining within the United States.

The final, most desperate attempt at peace came from Horace Greeley, the editor of the New York Tribune, and some Northern politicians who suggested that I simply allow the South to secede peacefully. But I could not accept this either. I believed, with every fiber of my being, that the Union was perpetual, and no state had the right to break away from it.

As I prepared to take office, I saw clearly that no compromise would satisfy both sides. The Unionists demanded the preservation of the nation, while the Confederates demanded complete independence. There was no middle ground left.

The Journey to Washington and the Assassination Threats

I left Springfield, Illinois, on February 11, 1861, boarding a train bound for Washington. My journey took me through Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York, where I was greeted by cheering crowds and hopeful citizens. Many Americans still held onto the belief that war could be avoided, and I did my best to reassure them.

But not all welcomed my arrival. As my train made its way toward Washington, reports surfaced of assassination plots—particularly in Baltimore, Maryland, a city filled with Confederate sympathizers. Detectives and advisors warned me that if I continued as planned, I would likely be killed before I reached Washington.

At the insistence of my security team, I changed my route. Instead of arriving in Washington with a public reception, I was smuggled in under the cover of night, arriving at the capital on February 23, 1861.

Some critics mocked me for this, calling it "the nightgown express", claiming I had arrived in Washington like a coward. But I paid no mind to such insults. My duty was not to make a grand entrance—it was to protect the Union.

Inauguration Day: A Nation on the Brink

On March 4, 1861, I took the oath of office and became the 16th President of the United States. As I stepped onto the platform at the East Portico of the U.S. Capitol, I saw before me a divided nation, with thousands of anxious eyes upon me.

Surrounding the Capitol were heavily armed troops, stationed to prevent an assassination attempt. In the crowd were Southerners who had already declared me an enemy, Northerners who feared war was inevitable, and border state citizens who prayed for a last-minute reconciliation.

Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, the man who had authored the Dred Scott decision, stood before me to administer the oath of office. As I placed my hand upon the Bible, I swore to "preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." But what was I preserving? A Union that was already shattered? A Constitution that half the country no longer followed?

When the oath was complete, I turned to deliver my First Inaugural Address—a speech that I hoped would reach the hearts of both North and South.

The Message of My Inaugural Address

My speech was written not to threaten, not to demand, but to appeal to reason. I knew that war was near, but I still held onto the hope that the South might return peacefully.

In my address, I made several key points:

1. Secession Was Illegal and Would Not Be Recognized

   • I stated clearly that the Union was perpetual, and no state had the right to leave it on its own.

   • "No State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union."

2. I Would Not Interfere With Slavery Where It Already Existed

   • I reassured the Southern states that I had no intention of abolishing slavery in the South.

   • "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists."

3. The Federal Government Would Hold Its Property

   • While I promised not to attack the South, I also made it clear that I would not surrender federal forts or property.

4. An Appeal to Unity and Brotherhood

   • My speech ended with a heartfelt plea to avoid war and remember the bonds that had once held us together.

   • "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies."

The South’s Reaction: War Was Inevitable

Despite my appeals, the South did not waver. The Confederate government, already formed in Montgomery, Alabama, dismissed my speech as empty words. Jefferson Davis and his cabinet believed that the time for talking had passed, and the time for war had come.

While I had extended a hand of peace, the Confederate leaders had already made their decision. Their eyes were set on Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor—a Union stronghold that stood as a symbol of federal authority in the South.

Within a few weeks, the first cannon would fire. The Civil War, long feared, would begin.

A Heavy Burden, A Solemn Oath

As I stepped down from the podium, my heart was heavy. I knew that war was no longer a distant threat—it was a certainty.

I had sworn to preserve the Union, but the Union was already breaking.

Now, the question was not whether we would fight, but how long and how terrible the struggle would be.

The Role of Border States and Unionist Resistance – Told by Jefferson Davis

As the Confederate States of America took shape, we understood that the border states—Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and Delaware—would determine the balance of power in this war. Though these states remained within the Union, they were slaveholding states, and we believed their loyalty should have rested with us.

Their land was rich, their people Southern in heritage, and their economies tied to agriculture. Their importance was beyond question—if the Confederacy could secure them, we would extend our territory, gain additional troops, and make Union victory far more difficult.

Yet, despite our appeals, these states did not immediately join us, and their hesitation cost us dearly. Some were held by force, while others wavered in their allegiances. These border states became battlegrounds, not only between Union and Confederate forces but among their own people.

Delaware: A Lost Cause for the Confederacy

From the very beginning, Delaware was out of our reach. It was a slave state, yes, but small and politically aligned with the North. Its economy relied more on Northern commerce than Southern agriculture. Unionist sentiment was strong, and the state government swiftly reaffirmed its loyalty to the United States. There were some Southern sympathizers in Delaware, but they were too few to challenge Union control. With no chance of securing the state militarily, we turned our attention elsewhere.

Maryland: A Threat to Washington, D.C.

Maryland was a prize worth fighting for, as its secession would have surrounded Washington, D.C., with Confederate territory. There was no doubt that many Marylanders supported our cause, and when the war began, they made their stance known.

In April 1861, as Union troops traveled through Baltimore, Confederate sympathizers attacked them, leading to the Baltimore Riot. Blood was spilled, and it was clear that Maryland’s loyalties were divided. But Lincoln acted swiftly. He declared martial law, arrested Confederate supporters, and suspended habeas corpus, allowing him to imprison men without trial. Maryland never officially joined the Confederacy, though its people remained deeply split, and thousands of Marylanders later crossed into Virginia to fight for our cause.

Kentucky: A State That Could Have Changed the War

Kentucky was a key state, and its allegiance was hotly contested. Its position along the Ohio River made it an essential gateway between North and South. The people of Kentucky were split, with both Union and Confederate supporters vying for control.

At first, Kentucky declared neutrality, refusing to send troops to either side. But neutrality could not last. In September 1861, Confederate forces moved into the state, occupying Columbus. This decision proved costly, as it pushed the Kentucky government into the Union camp, leading to its formal alignment with Lincoln’s forces. Even so, Kentucky was not fully lost to us. Many of its citizens supported the Confederacy, and some formed a Confederate government-in-exile, sending representatives to Richmond. Kentuckians fought bravely in our armies, proving that their state’s official stance did not reflect the will of all its people.

Missouri: A Civil War Within a Civil War

Missouri was one of the bloodiest border states, its people bitterly divided. Its governor, Claiborne Fox Jackson, was a Southern man at heart and wanted Missouri to secede. But Union forces, led by General Nathaniel Lyon, struck first, driving Jackson from power.

Still, Missouri was not fully lost to the Confederacy. Our supporters established a Confederate shadow government and declared Missouri part of our nation. Guerrilla fighters such as William Quantrill and "Bloody Bill" Anderson waged war against Union forces, keeping the state in a constant state of unrest. Though Missouri remained in Union hands, its heart belonged to the South, and thousands of Missourians took up arms for our cause.

West Virginia: A Betrayal of Virginia

Of all the border regions, none angered us more than West Virginia. When Virginia seceded, we expected its people to stand united. But in the western mountains, Unionist sentiment was strong.

Rather than support the Confederacy, these men broke away from their rightful state, forming their own pro-Union government. With Lincoln’s approval, West Virginia officially became a new state in 1863. This was a crime against the sovereignty of Virginia, and it showed the power of Unionist resistance in regions where our influence was weak.

The Problem of Unionist Resistance in the South

While we fought against Lincoln’s armies, we also faced an enemy within our own borders—Southern men and women who remained loyal to the Union despite living in the Confederacy.

These men refused to accept our independence, and in places like East Tennessee, Northern Alabama, and Western North Carolina, they actively resisted Confederate authority.

• East Tennessee was a hotbed of Unionist activity. Thousands of men fled to Kentucky to join the Union army, while those who remained sabotaged Confederate railroads and supplies.

• In North Carolina and Alabama, Unionist guerrillas harassed Confederate forces, making it difficult to maintain control.

These Unionists were traitors to their own people, yet Lincoln praised them as heroes. His forces encouraged their resistance, using them as spies, informants, and even soldiers.

Their actions weakened our position, forcing us to fight not only against Union armies but against our own countrymen.

The Consequences of the Border States and Unionist Resistance

The failure to secure the border states was one of the greatest setbacks for our cause. Had Kentucky, Missouri, and Maryland joined us, our forces would have been stronger, our territory larger, and our path to victory clearer.

Instead, we were forced to fight for every inch of ground, waging war not only against Northern invaders but against our own divided people.

The presence of Southern Unionists proved that not all Southerners supported secession. These men and women chose submission to Washington over loyalty to their own land, and in doing so, they helped Lincoln wage war upon us.

Despite these challenges, the Confederacy stood firm. We had built a nation based on the principles of sovereignty, independence, and the rights of our people, and we would fight to defend it until the last man standing.

But as the war dragged on, the question remained: Would the strength of our Southern spirit overcome the divisions that threatened to tear us apart from within?